who had nothing to do with it

Sticky
Fascist Nations

Shortly after the war of 1914-1918 the first fascist nations 
emerged in Europe In those nations 
the sun rose and set at the usual time shedding light 
on homestead roofs and hills' green slopes Cattle 
mooed gently in cowsheds Mothers kissed 
their children's foreheads to wake them at dawn
                    Fathers returning from work 
with cheerful weariness in their bones smelled 
the smoke from their hearths and after dinner 
fell asleep in armchairs or tinkered intrepidly or 
practiced their music with a passion Children 
played at stickball at hopscotch and hide-and-seek Little girls 
sprouted breasts and overnight 
little girls turned into big girls filled with whisper 
and murmur like trees in the woods and sudden giggles
                                   the sound of which 
made boys' throats go dry On summer evenings 
curtains lit from within showed shadows meeting 
parting and meeting again tenderly Whereas in winter 
lovers inhaled the steam of each other's breath in snowy gardens And 
one might also mention cats arching their backs sparrows 
soaring up above the pavement old women on their porches
                           flowers cut and potted nurses
taking patients' temperatures people sweeping streets 
with brooms One might mention drying
wood wind in a thicket damp furrows in a field And one might also 
call to mind many particulars bearing Witness that

For there were no signs on the sky mournful comets 
burning bushes water turned to blood For 
life went on as always Hence there truly were in those nations 
many ordinary people and good people and people 
who knew nothing and to whom 
it never occurred and who 
didn't consider themselves accessories and who 
had nothing to do with it and who didn't 
even read the papers or read them carelessly caught up 
in thoughts of what they had to get done 
fix the leaking roof get the shoes 
repaired propose have 
a beer mix the paint light a candle and who 
really didn't see the fear in a neighbor's eyes didn't 
hear the trembling in travelers' voices asking the way didn't 
see the difference didn't hear 
an inner voice or if 
they had their doubts there was nothing they could do
                                and they took comfort 
saying At least we 
aren't doing anything wrong we live the way we always did
                                           Which was true

And yet these were 
fascist nations

– Wiktor Woroszylski, “Fascist nations”, 1969, translated by Stanisław Barańczak and Clare Cavanagh

zamach stanu

Status

Zdrajcy:

Adam Abramowicz
Andrzej Adamczyk
Waldemar Andzel
Dorota Arciszewska-Mielewczyk
Jan Krzysztof Ardanowski
Iwona Arent
Marek Ast
Zbigniew Babalski
Piotr Łukasz Babiarz
Piotr Babinetz
Ryszard Bartosik
Barbara Bartuś
Dariusz Bąk
Włodzimierz Bernacki
Jerzy Bielecki
Mariusz Błaszczak
Jacek Bogucki
Joanna Borowiak
Agata Borowiec
Bożena Borys-Szopa
Joachim Brudziński
Barbara Bubula
Wojciech Buczak
Waldemar Buda
Lidia Burzyńska
Zbigniew Chmielowiec
Anna Cicholska
Michał Cieślak
Tadeusz Cymański
Krzysztof Czabański
Przemysław Czarnecki
Witold Czarnecki
Arkadiusz Czartoryski
Anna Czech
Anita Czerwińska
Katarzyna Czochara
Leszek Dobrzyński
Zbigniew Dolata
Antoni Duda
Elżbieta Duda
Jan Duda
Marcin Duszek
Michał Dworczyk
Jan Dziedziczak
Tadeusz Dziuba
Barbara Dziuk
Jacek Falfus
Ewa Filipiak
Leszek Galemba
Andrzej Gawron
Szymon Giżyński
Teresa Glenc
Piotr Gliński
Konrad Głębocki
Krzysztof Głuchowski
Małgorzata Golińska
Kazimierz Gołojuch
Jarosław Gonciarz
Małgorzata Gosiewska
Jerzy Gosiewski
Jarosław Gowin
Kazimierz Gwiazdowski
Teresa Hałas
Marcin Horała
Józefa Hrynkiewicz
Michał Jach
Patryk Jaki
Wiesław Janczyk
Grzegorz Janik
Mariusz Orion Jędrysek
Krzysztof Jurgiel
Alicja Kaczorowska
Jarosław Kaczyński
Piotr Kaleta
Mariusz Kamiński
Beata Kempa
Jan Kilian
Izabela Kloc
Lech Kołakowski
Robert Kołakowski
Joanna Kopcińska
Wojciech Kossakowski
Andrzej Kosztowniak
Henryk Kowalczyk
Bartosz Kownacki
Ewa Kozanecka
Jarosław Krajewski
Wiesław Krajewski
Leonard Krasulski
Piotr Król
Elżbieta Kruk
Anna Krupka
Andrzej Kryj
Bernadeta Krynicka
Dariusz Kubiak
Marta Kubiak
Krzysztof Kubów
Marek Kuchciński
Jacek Kurzępa
Anna Kwiecień
Marek Kwitek
Tomasz Latos
Bogdan Latosiński
Józef Leśniak
Joanna Lichocka
Krzysztof Lipiec
Adam Lipiński
Paweł Lisiecki
Tomasz Ławniczak
Marzena Machałek
Krzysztof Maciejewski
Antoni Macierewicz
Ewa Malik
Jerzy Małecki
Maciej Małecki
Gabriela Masłowska
Jerzy Materna
Beata Mateusiak-Pielucha
Grzegorz Matusiak
Andrzej Matusiewicz
Marek Matuszewski
Kazimierz Matuszny
Beata Mazurek
Andrzej Melak
Mieczysław Miazga
Iwona Michałek
Krzysztof Michałkiewicz
Anna Milczanowska
Daniel Milewski
Kazimierz Moskal
Aleksander Mrówczyński
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Wojciech Murdzek
Piotr Naimski
Waldemar Olejniczak
Piotr Olszówka
Adam Ołdakowski
Marek Opioła
Krzysztof Ostrowski
Jacek Osuch
Anna Paluch
Jerzy Paul
Krystyna Pawłowicz
Grzegorz Piechowiak
Stanisław Pięta
Bartłomiej Stawiarski
Jarosław Stawiarski
Stefan Strzałkowski
Marek Suski
Artur Szałabawka
Wojciech Szarama
Józefa Szczurek-Żelazko
Jolanta Szczypińska
Paweł Szefernaker
Jan Szewczak
Jarosław Szlachetka
Andrzej Szlachta
Krzysztof Szulowski
Stanisław Szwed
Halina Szydełko
Beata Szydło
Ewa Szymańska
vel Sęk Szymon Szynkowski
Jan Szyszko
Janusz Śniadek
Jacek Świat
Dominik Tarczyński
Krzysztof Tchórzewski
Robert Telus
Ryszard Terlecki
Grzegorz Tobiszowski
Ewa Tomaszewska
Sylwester Tułajew
Piotr Uruski
Piotr Uściński
Teresa Wargocka
Robert Warwas
Jan Warzecha
Małgorzata Wassermann
Witold Waszczykowski
Maciej Wąsik
Rafał Weber
Jerzy Wilk
Elżbieta Witek
Grzegorz Wojciechowski
Michał Wojtkiewicz
Grzegorz Adam Woźniak
Tadeusz Woźniak
Michał Wójcik
Krystyna Wróblewska
Bartłomiej Wróblewski
Małgorzata Wypych
Marek Zagórski
Anna Zalewska
Krzysztof Zaremba
Artur Zasada
Sławomir Zawiślak
Łukasz Zbonikowski
Jarosław Zieliński
Zbigniew Ziobro
Maria Zuba
Wojciech Zubowski
Jacek Żalek

Jan Klawiter

Kornel Morawiecki
Małgorzata Zwiercan
Ireneusz Zyska

it’s three, actually

Status

Peter Watts penned a short note roughly a year ago and ended it on this hopeful note:

The world will burn, though. Or enough of it, at least. If Trump gets in, there are gonna be a lot of screaming toddlers with scorched hands. Shouldn’t take him more than one term to bring that whole damn country down around his ears.

And once the pot has well and truly boiled over— when even the Guccis of the one-percenters are slick with the blood in the streets; when Flint-level infrastructure has spread to every corner of the fifty states; when those damned Mexicans finally build Trump’s wall for him, but along the original Mexican/US boundary— why, the Land of the Free will be just begging for someone like Elizabeth Warren to take the helm.

It might be the only way to return sanity to the US political process, in a world where the Overton Window has moved so far to the right that yesterday’s centrism is today’s radical loony tune. In order to reset the scale to the point where workable solutions are even visible, you might have to shatter that window entirely and start over. Or—if you prefer pendulum metaphors—pushing the bob all the way over to Trump might be the only way to build enough energy to reach Warren/Sanders territory on the return swing.

It sounds grim, but at heart this is a hopeful message. True democracy might yet play a constructive role, even if its voice is dominated by toddlers who thus far have refused to accept the danger posed by stove-tops. So let them prevail, I say. Let them burn. Let them learn the hard way, and the sooner the better.

There’s a nice fringe benefit for the rest of us, too. Once those burns have been sustained, perhaps the toddlers will be so busy trying to stamp out the fires within their own borders that they’ll be less inclined to keep starting them elsewhere in the world. Wouldn’t that be nice.

Maybe I’ll head down south after all, in a few more years. Hang out with some old friends I haven’t been able to visit in a while.

In the meantime I’ll keep playing Fallout 4. Just to get ready.

He should have played Fallout 3.

…the personal…

Aside

…is political

From Stallman’s GNU Manifesto:

Why I Must Write GNU
====================

I consider that the Golden Rule requires that if I like
a program I must share it with other people who like
it. Software sellers want to divide the users and
conquer them, making each user agree not to share with
others. I refuse to break solidarity with other users
in this way. I cannot in good conscience sign
a nondisclosure agreement or a software license
agreement. For years I worked within the Artificial
Intelligence Lab to resist such tendencies and other
inhospitalities, but eventually they had gone too far:
I could not remain in an institution where such things
are done for me against my will.

So that I can continue to use computers without
dishonor, I have decided to put together a sufficient
body of free software so that I will be able to get
along without any software that is not free. I have
resigned from the AI Lab to deny MIT any legal excuse
to prevent me from giving GNU away.

Why GNU Will Be Compatible with Unix
====================================

Unix is not my ideal system, but it is not too bad. The
essential features of Unix seem to be good ones, and
I think I can fill in what Unix lacks without spoiling
them. And a system compatible with Unix would be
convenient for many other people to adopt.

How GNU Will Be Available
=========================

GNU is not in the public domain. Everyone will be
permitted to modify and redistribute GNU, but no
distributor will be allowed to restrict its further
redistribution. That is to say, proprietary
modifications will not be allowed. I want to make sure
that all versions of GNU remain free.

Why Many Other Programmers Want to Help
=======================================

I have found many other programmers who are excited
about GNU and want to help.

Many programmers are unhappy about the
commercialization of system software. It may enable
them to make more money, but it requires them to feel
in conflict with other programmers in general rather
than feel as comrades. The fundamental act of
friendship among programmers is the sharing of
programs; marketing arrangements now typically used
essentially forbid programmers to treat others as
friends. The purchaser of software must choose between
friendship and obeying the law. Naturally, many decide
that friendship is more important. But those who
believe in law often do not feel at ease with either
choice. They become cynical and think that programming
is just a way of making money.

By working on and using GNU rather than proprietary
programs, we can be hospitable to everyone and obey the
law. In addition, GNU serves as an example to inspire
and a banner to rally others to join us in sharing.
This can give us a feeling of harmony which is
impossible if we use software that is not free. For
about half the programmers I talk to, this is an
important happiness that money cannot replace.

prawo i sprawiedliwość…

Image

A teraz wszyscy razem:

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość nie jest partią faszystowską.
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość nie jest partią faszystowską.
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość…